13th National Assembly Faces Imminent Challenges;
The Nation Needs To Stand Firmly Behind The Assembly  

Ahmed Bilal Mehboob, Executive Director of the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development And Transparency - PILDAT, offers analysis at the inauguration of the 13th National Assembly of Pakistan

The Inaugural Session

With the oath-taking of 329 members out of a total of 342, the 13th National Assembly (the popular chamber) of Pakistan began its parliamentary life of maximum 5 years on March 17, 2008.

The first session will stand prorogued after it elects a Speaker and a Deputy Speaker on March 19, 2008. The election of the two offices will be held by secret ballot and winner for either position will have to secure the majority of the votes cast. If there are more than two candidates, the winner will have to secure more votes than the aggregate of the votes of the other candidates. If it does not happen, there will be a run off voting after eliminating the candidate polling the least number of votes. The process continues until one of the candidates secures a majority of votes. It is a reflection of the unique nature of the two offices that securing a clear majority of the votes cast is essential to get elected. In a parliamentary democracy, the speaker holds a pivotal position and performance and smooth-running of the house largely depends on the experience, temperament and respect commanded by the Speaker. The Speaker of the National Assembly also officiates as the acting President in case the Senate Chairman, for any reason, can not officiate.

Session 2 and Election of the Prime Minister

The Second session, which may be summoned by the President immediately after the first session is prorogued, will be exclusively reserved to ascertain which one of the Members of the National Assembly commands the confidence of the majority of the members. The member commanding the confidence of the majority of the members shall be invited by the President to be the Prime Minister. Judging by the number of members of the PPPP-led alliance including the PML-N, the ANP and the JUI-F in the Assembly, it is a foregone conclusion that candidates for the positions of the Speaker, Deputy Speaker and the Prime Minister endorsed by the PPPP will win the election in the case of the Speaker and deputy Speaker and command the confidence of the majority in the case of the Prime Minister.

Normally Session 2 lasts for just a day. The selection of a candidate for the post of the Prime Minister by the largest parliamentary party seems to be a greater challenge than many anticipated earlier. The difficulties are understandable in view of the fact that the party leader, who dominated the party for the last almost 30 years, was assassinated right in the middle of the election campaign. The party finds itself pitted against crucial challenges at a critical time when it gets the chance to lead the national and at least one provincial government after a gap of almost 12 years. Application of democratic principles can not only help solve problems facing a country, it can be a way forward for the intra-party challenges as well.

Session 3 and Imminent Challenges

The Session 3 will be the first regular session after the routine business of electing the top 3 elective office holders is completed. This session may be summoned by the President at the advice of the Prime Minister soon after the second session is prorogued. The session 3 may take up some of the most critical business which sets the direction of the new Government and possibly decide the fate of the Assembly, the President and the political stability in the country.

Going by what Pakistan Peoples Party had announced earlier, it is expected that the Assembly will commence the third session by passing a resolution calling upon the United Nations to undertake an independent investigation into the assassination of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, the Chairperson of the Pakistan Peoples Party, on December 27, 2007 at Rawalpindi. The resolution may carry the symbolic but a great significance as it may be perceived as an expression of no trust in the ability or will, or both, of the state institutions to carry out a credible investigation into the assassination of Ms. Benazir Bhutto. It was another matter for Pakistan Peoples Party to demand an investigation by the UN when it was in the Opposition; it is entirely a new scenario to seek UN investigation when the party heads the ruling coalition and its nominee is the Prime Minister of the country.  

The same session may see the tabling and possibly the passage of a resolution calling upon the Government to reinstate the Supreme and High Court judges deposed following the ‘declaration of the state of emergency’ on November 3, 2007 by General Pervez Musharraf in his capacity as the Chief of Army Staff. A bill may also be introduced in the Assembly seeking to validate the extra-constitutional acts of the period of ‘Emergency’ declared on November 3, 2007 by the then Chief of Army Staff, General Pervez Musharraf. Past precedents suggest that each extra constitutional act including the removal of Nawaz Government by General Musharraf on October 12, 1999 was brought before the next Parliament seeking validation and indemnity by a 2/3rd majority of both the houses. A similar bill, if brought before the 13th National Assembly, stands the chance of being defeated unanimously for the first time in the history of the country. The defeat of such a bill may not only mean that all actions following the ‘declaration of emergency’ of November 3 are pronounced invalid by the Assembly leading also to restoration of the deposed judges but it will also be a powerful step towards establishing the Rule of Law in a country which has seen the abrogation of two constitutions (1956 and 1962) and suspension of the 1973 Constitution thrice (1977, 1999 and 2007). These possible resolutions and the bill are indicators of some of the challenges the 13th National Assembly may be facing in the very early stages of its life. The signals emanating from the Presidency and the post-November 3 Supreme Court point towards a rough ride ahead for the Assembly. On the other hand, a determined bar and citizens’ groups want to see no delay in the reinstatement of the deposed judges; certainly not beyond the 30-day deadline set by the two largest coalition parties themselves. The deadline will expire on April 15, 2008. These and the other long-term challenges to establish the primacy and supremacy of the Parliament in the political system of the country will require that the people stand firmly by the Parliament – to give it the strength in the challenges ahead and to convey their feelings to the parliament when needed. 

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